Porto Deputy Faces Vote-Buying Allegations Linked to Dismantled Neo-Nazi Group

A Chega member of parliament based in Porto has publicly dismissed allegations that he paid members of a dismantled neo-Nazi organization to vote for him in internal party elections, calling the accusations "complete nonsense" and attributing them to internal party feuds.

Group 1143 was a neo-Nazi militia that operated across Portugal for over two decades before being dismantled by authorities in January 2025. The organization, which promoted ethno-nationalism and targeted ethnic minorities through intimidation and violence, had expanded from its origins as a football ultras faction to establish regional cells nationwide and even internationally.

Why This Matters

• Political accountability concerns: Allegations that a sitting deputy bought votes from extremists raise serious questions about internal party vetting and whether mainstream political organizations can be infiltrated by violent movements.

• Voter confidence: If substantiated, this case could undermine public trust in democratic institutions and internal party election integrity—critical concerns as Portugal navigates rising political polarization.

• Broader infiltration patterns: The accusations suggest extremist groups may actively embed themselves in mainstream parties, not merely as isolated members but as coordinated blocs seeking to influence leadership decisions.

• Escalating extremism threat: Portugal has seen a sevenfold rise in hate crimes over the past five years, making this case emblematic of growing far-right mobilization rather than an isolated incident.

Timeline Context: Rui Afonso's alleged vote-buying scheme occurred during Chega's September 2023 internal leadership elections. The accusations remained largely contained within party circles until January 2025, when the Polícia Judiciária dismantled Group 1143 and arrested 37 suspects, bringing renewed scrutiny to the earlier allegations.

The Core Allegations

Rui Afonso, a deputy in the national assembly and president of Chega's Porto district chapter, stands accused by Tirso Faria—a coordinator for the Santo Tirso branch of Group 1143 and himself a Chega militant—of orchestrating a vote-buying scheme during the September 2023 internal leadership contest. According to Faria, who is a suspect in the "Operation Brotherhood" investigation, Afonso allegedly enrolled dozens of 1143 members into the party, covered their monthly dues, and paid them cash to cast ballots in his favor.

Faria told the Público newspaper that total payments ranged between €3,500 and €3,800. Artur Carvalho, a former aide to Afonso at the Porto district organization, corroborated the account, claiming that more than 100 members from Group 1143 and other extremist factions were brought into the party, with payments exceeding €3,500.

However, Afonso won the internal race with 172 votes and had backing from 18 municipal councils—a fact he argues contradicts the vote-buying allegations. He has questioned why, if he paid hundreds of militants to join, such a large coordinated bloc would have been necessary to secure victory through legitimate party support.

The timing is politically sensitive: the Polícia Judiciária arrested 37 individuals on January 20 during a sweeping nationwide operation that dismantled Group 1143, charging suspects with discrimination, incitement to hatred and violence, aggravated threats, coercion, qualified assault, and possession of prohibited weapons. Another 15 were formally named as suspects but not detained. Tirso Faria was among those implicated, though he was not arrested.

Afonso's Defense: "Show Me the Proof"

Speaking to SIC Notícias this past Sunday, Afonso denied any connection to the extremist organization and challenged the credibility of his accusers. He argued that Group 1143 did not even exist in Porto during the September 2023 district elections, insisting the outfit originated from the Juventude Leonina ultras faction in Lisbon and had no presence in the northern city at that time.

"In Porto, Group 1143 simply did not exist—it's a lie," he stated. "The people accusing me are three or four dissidents who are hostile to the party and to the Porto district leadership. Look, I supposedly paid between €3,500 and €3,800? And enrolled hundreds of militants? Have you seen the financial effort, the money I would need to register all those people?"

The deputy further questioned why none of the alleged beneficiaries had confirmed the payments to Público reporters. "More than one hundred people joined, and not a single one can say that I effectively paid the dues?" he said.

He announced that he has requested the Chega National Jurisdiction Council to open an internal investigation into the matter, framing the accusations as a politically motivated smear campaign. "Journalism cannot be a weapon for political mudslinging," he said. "These reports are complete nonsense. If you look deeper, you'll see this story has absolutely no substance."

What This Means for Residents

Implications for democratic accountability: If vote-buying by a political deputy through coordination with an extremist organization is substantiated, Portuguese law provides specific grounds for prosecution. The Portuguese Penal Code addresses electoral fraud and corruption, with potential sentences ranging from two to eight years imprisonment. Additionally, party bylaws typically allow for expulsion of members engaged in such conduct.

Legal consequences and oversight: The Chega National Jurisdiction Council has existing authority to suspend or expel members for violations. However, this case raises questions about whether internal party mechanisms alone are sufficient, or whether external oversight of internal elections is needed to prevent infiltration by coordinated extremist blocs.

Comparative context: Other European democracies have faced similar challenges. France, Germany, and Italy have documented cases of far-right groups attempting to embed operatives within mainstream conservative parties. Portugal's anti-hate-crime enforcement has intensified, with the PJ's National Counterterrorism Unit reporting the sevenfold rise in hate crimes over five years. The "Operation Brotherhood" arrests marked one of the country's most comprehensive crackdowns on far-right militancy in recent years, involving around 300 officers and 65 searches nationwide.

Voter safeguards: For residents concerned about party integrity, publicly available mechanisms exist: demanding transparency in party membership records, attending party assemblies to monitor voting procedures, and scrutinizing candidates' positions on democratic accountability and extremism. Whether internal party elections require external observers or audit trails remains an open policy question for civil society.

Group 1143: What You Need to Know

Group 1143 operated as a paramilitary militia promoting ethno-nationalism, anti-communism, and neo-Nazi ideology. Founded in the early 2000s as a skinhead faction within Sporting CP's ultras, the organization expanded over two decades to establish regional cells across Portugal and among emigrant communities in Switzerland and France. Under the leadership of Mário Machado—a figure with multiple convictions for incitement to hatred and violence—the group adopted Nazi iconography and operated as a coordinated network promoting the conspiracy theory of a "Great Replacement," targeting ethnic minorities and immigrants through intimidation, vandalism, and assault. Funding reportedly came from merchandise sales and ties to neo-Nazi networks in Germany, Russia, and the United States.

Chega Leadership Responds

André Ventura, the national president of Chega, has previously denied institutional ties between the party and Group 1143, though he acknowledged that isolated cases of extremist affiliation may exist within any large political organization. He stated that the party has expelled members when such links were discovered.

However, other reports have suggested that extremist outfits including 1143 and the "Reconquista" movement have campaigned informally in favor of Chega, aiming to push the party toward more radical positions on issues such as "remigration"—a euphemism for mass deportation of immigrants.

The Chega National Jurisdiction Council has a track record of issuing sanctions, including suspensions and expulsions, against members who violate party rules. Whether the internal inquiry requested by Afonso will yield disciplinary measures remains to be seen.

What Happens Next

The case now hinges on forensic evidence. The Polícia Judiciária seized computers, communications devices, and propaganda materials during the January raids, and investigators are examining whether digital records confirm financial transactions or coordination between Afonso and Group 1143 operatives.

Five suspects from "Operation Brotherhood" remain in preventive detention, while 28 others are barred from contacting each other and must report periodically to police. Three were released under standard identity and residence terms.

Afonso's legal and political future may depend on whether prosecutors find sufficient grounds to pursue charges. If the allegations prove unfounded, the episode will be remembered as a bitter internal dispute that spilled into the public arena. If substantiated, however, it could mark a significant scandal for Portugal's rising right-wing movement—and a test of the country's commitment to keeping extremism out of democratic institutions.