Portugal Leads EU-CELAC Summit in Colombia to Ease U.S. Tensions, Expand Trade

Santa Marta Summit Aims to Reset Relations

In Santa Marta, Colombia, Portugal’s government is betting that the follow-up meeting of the European Union and the Community of Latin-American and Caribbean States (EU-CELAC)—pencilled in for early 2024 at the invitation of President Gustavo Petro—can cool a growing chill between Washington and several Latin capitals while opening new doors in trade, security and green technology. Prime Minister António Costa insists there will be “no off-limits subjects,” a stance that has pushed the gathering into the international spotlight.

Portuguese Stakes in an Uneasy Triangle

Latin America already buys close to €2.3 billion in Portuguese goods each year, from cork and wine to cloud-software services, yet that is barely 3 per cent of Portugal’s global exports and is dwarfed by trade with the United States. If U.S.–CELAC relations sour, Iberian firms risk being squeezed out of North- and South-American supply chains. By championing frank dialogue, Lisbon hopes to present the EU as a constructive counterweight and to diversify markets for Efacec turbines, Jerónimo Martins’ retail know-how and GALP’s low-carbon fuels—sectors that support thousands of jobs in Porto, Braga and Sines.

A Summit Carved Out of Geopolitical Tension

The talks come as President Joe Biden orders additional naval patrols in the Caribbean and signals tougher sanctions on Venezuelan officials—moves several Latin leaders brand as intimidation. With German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen expected to stay in Brussels, mid-sized members such as Portugal are stepping in. Colombia’s Gustavo Petro has urged Europe and Latin America to act as “a single beacon” for rules-based order, a direct rebuke of what he calls “gunboat diplomacy.”

What Will Actually Be on the Table?

Negotiators have mapped out five broad files. First, revamped multilateralism: both blocs want a stronger UN Security Council and fresh momentum for climate finance. Second, strategic autonomy: leaders hope to draft rules for critical-minerals trade that do not lean on Washington or Beijing. Third, commerce: Brussels is floating a streamlined approval path for small and medium-sized exporters, a clause that could particularly benefit Portuguese wine and tech start-ups now facing tariff barriers of up to 20 per cent. Fourth, public-security cooperation: joint units targeting drug cartels and human-trafficking rings are on the drawing board. Finally, the so-called triple transition—green, digital and social—remains the flagship project, with at least €3 billion in Global Gateway funds earmarked for the region, according to a draft EU paper seen by Expresso.

Absentees, Optics and the “No Taboo” Promise

Sparse attendance by top European figures has led critics to question whether the summit can deliver more than rhetoric. Yet Costa argues that a leaner guest list gives “room for honest conversation,” including on historically sensitive subjects such as U.S. naval deployments, sanctions policy and regional sovereignty. Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is expected to press hardest, urging the EU to condemn any use of force in the hemisphere. Portuguese officials believe that opening the floor to such views, rather than dodging them, is the only way to restore predictability for investors and credibility for democratic norms.

Where the Talks Could Lead Next

Should Santa Marta produce even a modest communiqué on de-escalation mechanisms, Lisbon plans to translate that quickly into export-credit guarantees and energy-research partnerships. Failure, by contrast, could deepen a polarised global order—one that forces medium powers like Portugal to choose between Washington’s security umbrella and Latin America’s resource appeal. The outcome will resonate well beyond the Caribbean: from the Port of Sines, where Brazilian soybeans arrive, to the Lajes Air Base in the Azores, every Portuguese supply corridor is tied in some way to how Europe, CELAC and the United States decide to coexist—and that, ultimately, will affect jobs and prices back home.