Moura No-Show Record Haunts Ventura Ahead of Local Polls

The Alentejo sun had barely lifted the early-morning haze when Paulo Raimundo stopped in Moura’s main square and delivered a stinging rebuke that has ricocheted through Portugal’s local-election campaign. In an address that blended indignation with electoral arithmetic, the Communist leader accused André Ventura of displaying “nothing but shamelessness in municipal politics”, a phrase that crystallised weeks of simmering tension between the two parties.

Moura Becomes a Battleground for Credibility

Raimundo chose Moura for a reason. The whitewashed town near the Spanish border is the one place where the firebrand Chega chief actually holds elected local office—yet he has skipped around 30 meetings of the municipal assembly since winning the seat. For residents who still remember the fanfare of Ventura’s 2021 campaign, the repeated absences feel like a breach of trust. Raimundo seized on that frustration, arguing that the no-shows reveal a pattern: “He plastered his face on every billboard, then disappeared when real work began.” In a region where voter turnout often hinges on personal contact with councillors, absenteeism can be political poison.

Absentee Record Haunts Chega Leader

Ventura’s camp dismisses the criticism as “electoral theatre,” noting that national duties demand constant travel. Yet the numbers are hard to spin. Assembly records confirm that of the 42 sessions held since the last autárquicas, the Chega leader missed more than 70%. Under municipal rules, a representative who accumulates three consecutive unjustified absences can forfeit the seat; Ventura has repeatedly skirted that threshold with last-minute medical notes or scheduling pleas. The optics have proved damaging at street level, where communists have begun distributing flyers that superimpose each recorded absence onto a calendar: thirty red “X” marks under the caption “Quando faz falta, ele falta.”

What the Numbers Say About Chega’s Local Footprint

Nationally, Chega’s rise has been meteoric—from 4.16% in the 2021 municipal vote to polls now suggesting double-digit support. Party strategists speak of electing 8,000 local officials and conquering up to 21 city halls, targeting swing territories such as Olhão, Sintra and Portimão. Analysts agree the party’s anti-establishment message resonates in districts where social services feel threadbare. Still, municipal campaigns hinge on door-to-door familiarity, not prime-time television. “You cannot clone Ventura 308 times,” quips political scientist Lígia Correia, pointing to shortages of seasoned candidates outside Lisbon and the Algarve. Moura offers a cautionary tale: visibility without attendance can erode goodwill faster than catchy slogans build it.

The Communist Counter-Offensive

For the PCP, the clash is about more than local seats; it is an existential test in regions once considered its electoral heartland. The party has lost ground in successive legislative ballots, but in municipalities such as Seixal, Setúbal and Beja it still runs dense grassroots networks of unions, sports clubs and cultural associations. Raimundo’s message is therefore two-pronged: expose what he calls the “demagogy, hatred and hollow promises” of Chega, while presenting the CDU coalition as a bulwark of everyday problem-solving—housing, public transport, daycare. Communist campaign vans now tour rural Alentejo blaring a remix of “Grândola, Vila Morena” stitched with the refrain “faltou, não voltou”—a direct dig at Ventura’s attendance sheet.

Stakes for 12 October

With the municipal vote less than a week away, both parties see enormous symbolic value in the outcome. A single mayoralty for Chega would grant Ventura the executive platform he lacks; a strong showing for the PCP would affirm its continued relevance after bruising national results. Turnout will be decisive. In 2021, barely 54% of registered voters cast a ballot in many rural councils. Campaign planners from the Algarve to Trás-os-Montes are mobilising WhatsApp groups, local radio and even Sunday church announcements to push participation beyond that threshold.

Why It Resonates Beyond Alentejo

The dispute taps into a broader Portuguese concern: trust in local governance at a time when potholes, property taxes and water bills often matter more than speeches in Lisbon. Moura’s saga illustrates how absenteeism can puncture political momentum, however electrifying the national rallies may be. For voters across Portugal’s 308 municipalities, the question now hovers: will charisma alone carry the day, or will attendance sheets decide who deserves the council keys? Raimundo has wagered that showing up still counts. On 12 October, ballot boxes from Braga to Faro will judge whether he is right.